Politics & History

Name: Deborah Anthony
Section: Women's Caucus
Professional Email: deborahx50@hotmail.com
Professional Status: Associate Professor
Institution: University of Illinois Springfield
Scheduling Preference: Thursday Morning
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title: Analyzing Women’s Political-Legal Regression through the Lens of Surname Practices in the English Early Modern Period
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The names by which people have been known illustrate a great deal about social norms and legal practices extant during various periods in English history. Surname use was at one time quite variable, bearing little resemblance to the typical practices seen in modern-day England. That variation tells an interesting story about women over the centuries, beginning in Saxon times, through the advent of surnames at the Norman Conquest of 1066, then later through the development of coverture as a component of English common law, and into the present day. Women in England at one time held individualized surnames reflecting specific traits, occupations, statuses, or family relations (e.g. Fairwife, Silkwoman, Widow, Robertdaughter). Certainly before, and even after surnames became regularly hereditary around the Fifteenth Century, women still sometimes retained their birth names at marriage, men sometimes adopted the surnames of their wives, and children and grandchildren sometimes inherited the surnames of their mothers or grandmothers. Women’s surname flexibility was once quite expansive, which bespoke of a surprisingly developed social and legal standing. But these diverse surname practices eventually disappeared, along with women’s occupational options and property rights, as well as other indicators of their position. What accounts for this retrenchment? If the history of women is not one in which only positive developments and progress occurred over time, however plodding, but rather one that evinced a significant and prolonged period of decline, then important questions arise about the causes for such a significant regression. There are several possible explanations. In addition to the emergence (and disappearance) of feudalism and the gradual implementation of the common law and coverture in England, these manifestations may also be tied to economic and political developments in the Early Modern period. Included in that umbrella is the advent of capitalism, which emerged in England in its modern form in the 16th-18th Centuries. Also potentially important is the advancement of theoretical concepts of citizenship and rights, which became more formalized during that period and therefore more exclusive to certain privileged groups, which did not typically include women. Additional factors include expanding principles of conquest and imperialism (both formal and informal) and the building of the modern nation-state. These new political concepts necessarily brought with them discourses of dominance and superiority, self and other. In the process of identifying the “self” in determining which were the citizens entitled to rights and status, women may have been formally excluded in ways in which they had not previously been. The implications of these historical developments and their impact on women are wide-ranging and significant. A theoretical investigation and analysis of the catalysts for this constriction of women’s rights and status will be central in this paper.


Name: Amy Blitz
Section:
Professional Email: blitz.amy@gmail.com
Professional Status: Assistant Professor
Institution: Babson College
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title: Going Public, Going Rogue: The Transformation of US Investment Banks from Private to Public since 1970, and the Impact on the Global Economy
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When the New York Stock Exchange (NYSE) was established in 1792, it prohibited investment banks from going public. One reason for this was the belief that investment banks would be more prudently managed if partners were putting their own capital at risk, not outside shareholders'. This policy held for nearly two centuries until 1970, when relative newcomers Donaldson, Lufkin & Jenrette (DLJ) submitted a surprise filing to take their company public. As Donaldson later acknowledged, "We didn't ask permission, we just did it." Once the DLJ IPO went through, other investment banks followed throughout the 1970s, '80s, and '90s, leading to a massive transformation of investment banking from privately-held partnerships to publicly traded corporations. And as the NYSE had anticipated, this transformation introduced substantial risk into the financial system, bringing it to the brink of collapse in September 2008. This paper explores the impact of DLJ's breakthrough IPO on the US financial sector, ultimately the global economy, focusing on five key players, specifically DLJ, Bear Stearns, Morgan Stanley, Lehman Brothers, and Goldman Sachs. Based on interviews with Donaldson, Lufkin, Jenrette and other industry leaders, as well as on detailed analyses of corporate income statements, announcements, senate hearings, and other materials, the paper describes how, in each case, corporate strategy post-IPO shifted toward riskier offerings combined with well-orchestrated campaigns to stifle regulation of these. The role academia played in such campaigns is also explored. Overall, the paper provides insights into the role of corporations (and key academics) in shaping regulatory policy since 1970, with longer historical context of IPOs and the NYSE provided as well. The paper also provides insights into the difference between partnerships and publicly traded companies, particularly the dangers of too great a focus on shareholder value, a dominant theme of business strategy since the 1980s.


Name: Caleb Chaplin
Section: Modern Political Theory
Professional Email: caleb.chaplin@gmail.com
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Carleton University
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title: Scepticism in Times of Recalcitrant Politics: Hume's Response to Partisan Demands
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David Hume’s approach to philosophical scepticism is conspicuously absent of methodical application. He argued that cause and effect, commonly understood, is not something inherent to what we observe, rather that the connection between events instead takes place in our mind. That is, what we presume is causal is only sequential. Observable events may develop in sequence but not necessarily along causal lines. This yields important distinctions when evaluating competing explanations of political phenomena. Claims concerning justice, by members of a political community, usually rest on commonly understood beliefs about how we observe injustice. Claims about injustice are often couched in terms of simple causality. But if we consider Hume's argument that causality is a property of the mind, then we are led to consider injustice in terms of sequences rather than causes. But would such an approach to political dialectic permit any results that could be agreed upon as just? The political rhetoric of inequality is often framed in terms of causality, especially in the context of history. In such cases the resolution of justice, understood causally, may rest on immoderately ambitious claims about what can be achieved through promissory politics. Thus, what Hume provides is a way of inquiring, not into the causes of inequality, so much as the sequences of inequality. This points to a more refined way of distinguishing political phenomena, disaggregating what we believe to be true from what is observably true.


Name: Erblin Hoxha
Section: International Relations
Professional Email: hoxha.erblin@gmail.com
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: University of Texas at Dallas
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title: What is the impact of diaspora on natural resource rich countries?!
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Panel Description: While oil impact on democratization has been widely debated among scholars, other natural resources have not been the focus of this literature. Natural resources bring “easy revenue” for the state but why some natural resources impact the state differently than others?! What makes some natural resources a threat to democratization while some others not so much?! Or do natural resources pose a threat or have any impact on democratization whatsoever? I examine the case of Chilean strong democracy and compare it with Venezuelan weak democracy bearing in mind that Chile is among the top copper exporter and Venezuela is among the top oil exporter. This is the starting point of a much bigger picture: what are other major influences on democratization besides the already discussed theories.
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Many scholars have been looking at natural resources as the focal point when trying to examine the impact that resource revenue had on democratization. There has been little to no sufficient research done about the people who left the country for different reasons and have been living in democratic countries for years. Developing a natural resource industry opens a window of foreign investment. Many of the investment actually comes from diaspora of that country. What is the impact of the people who return to their home country not only to invest but also work to make their country a better place. Living in a more democratic country implies embracing democratic values and upon return to their home country, those values need to be met by the governments or at least diaspora people who returned will be most likely to push for more democratic reforms. My paper addresses the issue of the impact that diaspora have on the state building and democratization with special focus on natural resource rich countries. I try to examine the direct impact of diaspora on resource rich countries believing that natural resource industry is a major push for them to come back and invest in their home country. In my paper, I take Venezuela and Chile as a starting point and continue with 6 other countries who are resource rich: Mexico, Colombia, Peru, Botswana, Nigeria and Congo. I will be having a case selection comparison between these countries on 3 different aspects. The level of democracy and strength of institutions, which I will use the Polity IV score to measure my comparing countries, the level of diaspora in comparison to the total population number and the diversification of the economy of the comparing countries by using the United Nations International Migration and the World Bank Development indicators, respectively. The case selection comparison will contain data that show these indicators before the exploration of natural resources and will have a 5-year lag measure due to the foreseen impacts of natural resource revenues on policies and government. The level of diaspora has an important role in the democratization of their country of origin. Countries who have a higher level of diaspora in democratic countries tend to foster democratic consolidation than countries whose diaspora level is lower or have less diaspora in more democratic countries. Natural resource industry is a major investment opportunity for diaspora and they see investing in their own country of origin as a chance to go back and help their country. The returnees will bring along the democratic values of a country they are going back from resulting in a spillover effect in the rest of the society. By investing in their country of origin, they tend to be more demanding of their government requiring stronger and more democratic institutions, therefore fostering democratic consolidation. A lot of natural resource rich countries do not keep data of migration and therefore it is hard to find online data especially for smaller and less developed countries. In conclusion, my paper will open a new area of focus research where human capital will be the center of development and will significantly help other countries, especially smaller countries, to draft policies that will enable better official communication between the countries and their diasporas. Opening new channels of cooperation with already proven examples of diasporas impact on other countries will highly influence governments and also people who live outside their country of origin and who want to return, to invest and to put more effort in helping their home countries.


Name: Nathan Jun
Section:
Professional Email: nathan.jun@mwsu.edu
Professional Status: Associate Professor
Institution: Midwestern State University
Scheduling Preference: Saturday Morning
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title: Rationalism and Irrationalism in Classical Anarchist Thought
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Classical anarchist thought has been variously described as a rationalist political philosophy in the Enlightenment tradition, on the one hand, and as an irrationalist cult of action in the Romantic tradition, on the other. In this presentation, I argue that classical anarchist thought exhibits both tendencies and examine the extent to which the tension between them shaped the historical development of anarchism in the late 19th and early 20th centuries.


Name: Chambailli Khan
Section: Undergraduate Research
Professional Email: dr_yasirapt@yahoo.com
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: University of Peshawar
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
Participation Type: Moderator
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Name: Maximilian Krahe
Section: Modern Political Theory
Professional Email: max.krahe@gmail.com
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Yale University
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Paper Title: Bridging The Gap Between Descriptive and Normative Theory
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In light of a recent spade of 'grand theorising' in political science and related fields (cf. Acemoglu and Robinson 2012, Mann 2012, Fukuyama 2011 and 2014), this paper asks how we should understand the relationship between normative political theory and 'grand theory.' The main claims defended are as follows: First, due to the complexity of the world relative to our ability to comprehend it, individual facts (even if, counterfactually, those could be firmly established) do not uniquely determine theory. This creates ‘wiggle room’ regarding how to pull various ‘facts’ together into an overarching theoretical representation of the world. Second, theory (by which I mean the particular lens through which we observe, comprehend, and talk about the world) is not neutral regarding different policy prescriptions. Any theory, even if purely descriptive, creates a slanted playing field with regards to justificatory claims for normative prescriptions: some will be easier to defend against its backdrop, others harder. In recognition of this, and against more positivist conceptions of political science, the paper then argues that prior normative commitments are a legitimate reason to move one way rather than another within the wiggle room offered by the under-determinacy of theory by facts. Even descriptive grand theory is therefore normative. There is no reason, the paper then concludes, why political theory should restrict itself to overtly normative forms of theorizing. Instead, the construction of grand descriptive theories, a la Acemoglu and Robinson, Mann, or Fukuyama, especially when done with normative intent, can be seen as a task fully appropriate to political theory.


Name: Dohyuk Kwon
Section: Politics & History
Professional Email: kwondh92@gmail.com
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Sogang University
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title: The Road to Equality: A History of Korean Political thoughts
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Recently western-centrism has been criticized by many historical and political theorists because it has made people contextualize the history of non-western countries, especially formerly colonized ones as a story of frustration due to the absence of western institutions such as democracy and capitalism. In this critical context, Scholars based in East Asia, particularly in Confucianism-embedded countries, have tried to apply their traditional ideals of Confucianism to democratic values. However, while they have focused on attempting to theorize Confucian texts, they excluded in their analysis the historical development of the theory itself. Thus this research aims to examine how confucian political theory transformed throughout the course of its history from the context political equality, one of the core values of democracy.


Name: John Metzler
Section: International Relations
Professional Email: jjmetzler@earthlink.net
Professional Status: Adjunct Professor
Institution: St. John's University New York
Scheduling Preference: Friday Morning
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title: Crimson Phoenix: Japan's Quest for United Nations Membership, 1956
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Crimson Phoenix--Japan’s Quest for United Nations Membership, 1956 By John J. Metzler In what can be described as nothing less than an extraordinary diplomatic transformation, Japan was invited to join the United Nations just a decade after militarist Japan had been soundly defeated in August 1945 by the Allied powers. Some of those same Allied states, Britain, China, France and the United States, who had founded the United Nations against Nazi Germany and militarist Japan, now viewed the Tokyo government’s membership in the UN as a political plus in the emerging multilateral arena. Indeed the political landscape had changed; the winds of the cold war blew from Mainland China across a bitterly divided and war-torn Korean peninsula. Central Europe saw a military/ideological standoff with the Soviets. Thus a democratizing and pro-West Japan was viewed by the United States as a key, albeit rehabilitated ally, in the UN. The paper shall view Japan’s complex road to diplomatic re-integration and legitimacy in the post-war era, with the UN seat in December 1956 being the crowning achievement. That same year would witness momentous political events in Suez and Hungary literally just months before Japan’s formal membership. The aftermath of Japan’s membership would support a still Wester -leaning template in the multinational organization. Though Japan had been a active member of the former League of Nations until the Tokyo government’s ignominious withdrawal from the world body concerning the invasion of Manchuria, the idea that Japan would be invited to join the United Nations just a decade after WWII, seemed near impossible. Now it had transpired.


Name: Stan Molchanov
Section: Continental Political Thought
Professional Email: 10molchanov@cua.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Catholic University of America
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Paper Title: Observations on Late Modern Historiography
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‘Modern’ political thought is concerned with history to the degree that it revolts against tradition; modernity recasts the old in the form of the new, which is unfinished and unfinishable, in order to more fully account for what industrialization and rationalization have made possible. Postmodern thought goes further: postmodernism is a set of ongoing attempts to shatter the autonomy of various spheres of thought and culture by undermining the legitimacy of their separateness. Postmodernity celebrates and even institutionalizes difference. It does so chiefly by means of a genealogical unmasking of cultural dominants. Genealogy and periodization, however, bring in their train a theory of history. Postmodern political thought in fact seems acutely sensitive to the historical dimension of human being. Michel Foucault once said that to think beyond modernity, one must think beyond history. How is it, then, that postmodernism, to the degree that it emphasizes growth and becoming and transition at the expense of homogeneity and rigidity and tradition, has moved beyond modern thought? Could post-modernity be an outgrowth of late modernity that corrects for certain modern defects? What would properly post-historical political thought be?


Name: Jack Riley
Section: Ancient & Medieval Political Philosophy
Professional Email: JVThumos@aol.com
Professional Status: Associate Professor
Institution: Coastal Carolina University
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
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Paper Title: The French Enlightenment Attack on Modern Natural Right and Political Project in The Encyclopedie
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At the height of the Enlightenment, the doctrine of modern natural right (e.g., Hobbes, Locke, and the American Framers) came under a vicious assault in the French Enlightenment. The French Enlightenment replaced the notion of modern natural right with the general will. This attack left politics with no natural guide for political life. Intellectually, it produced what has been called "the crisis of the West." Nevertheless, the French Enlightenment, through its main vehicle, The Encyclopedie, was much more than just an intellectual movement. Its aim was not only to bring down the ancien regime, but any political order grounded in nature, be it classical/medieval natural law or modern natural right. It sought to bring about an order based on the general will and guided by reason (understood as modern science). Its consequences have been disastrous first by its direct influence on the French revolution and its excesses. Second, it brought about "the crisis of the West," in which we find ourselves today. No intellectual task is more urgent than to understand the causes of this crisis and search for alternatives to it.


Name: Derval Ryan
Section: Modern Political Theory
Professional Email: derval.ryan@mail.mcgill.ca
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: McGill University
Scheduling Preference: No Preference
Proposal Type: Paper
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Paper Title: Communities of Honour: the Psychology of Religious Toleration in Hobbes' Leviathan
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Recent scholarship has argued that despite Hobbes’ apparent illiberal absolutism, he nonetheless admits the possibility of, and even advocates the toleration of religious diversity. However, given Hobbes’ account of war, wherein conflict arises because human glory seeking is disrupted by the insult of disagreement (for which mere difference of opinion is a sufficient sign), his advocacy of religious toleration perplexes: how might glory-prone individuals, who take dissent as insult and provocation to violence, be made to tolerate the manifold theological and liturgical practices that abound in a commonwealth that tolerates diverse private communities of faith? I argue that the logic of Hobbes’ psychology does allow humans to learn to be indifferent to difference. Hobbes’ public/private distinction permits individuals to obey the sovereign’s commands publicly, while, in their private communities receiving sufficient recognition of their dissenting opinions, such that they are not provoked to impose their beliefs upon the community at large.


Name: Alicia Steinmetz
Section: Modern Political Theory
Professional Email: alicia.steinmetz@yale.edu
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: Yale University
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Paper Title: Truth and Imagination from Blake to Nietzsche
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In modern liberal politics, it has become increasingly important to be able to give a case for the political value of truth and truth telling. Yet at the same time, the plausibility of giving a coherent account of political truth has become highly problematic. Aside from the fact that much of real world political discourse seemingly fails to live up to the expectations of liberal theory concerning sincerity and accuracy in speech and action, it may be the case that some types of deception and hypocrisy are necessary and even valuable in the pluralistic political sphere. Thus, liberalism continues to embrace a certain commitment to truth that it has trouble naming or discussing directly without exposing its own deep contractions. In this paper, I argue that it is possible to rethink truth more productively within liberalism by considering it alongside a capacity usually thought to fall outside of the realm of political vice or virtue: the human imagination. Drawing on the work of William Blake and Friedrich Nietzsche, I argue that rethinking truth alongside imagination reveals an alternate way of viewing the political value of truth telling through the problem and promise of self-deception for liberal politics, which can in turn open up new avenues for rethinking judgment and agency under conditions of pluralism.


Name: Harvey Strum
Section: Politics & History
Professional Email: strumh@hotmail.com
Professional Status: Full Professor
Institution: Sage College of Albany
Scheduling Preference: Friday Afternoon
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Paper Title: Committee for the Marshall Plan
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Committee for the Marshall Plan to Aid European Recovery (Stimson Committee) played a major role in generating public support for the Marshall Plan. Just as the earlier Committee to Defend American by Aiding the Allies (White Committee) was a valuable ally to President Franklin Roosevelt in obtaining public and Congressional support for aid to the Allies in 1941, the Stimson Committee became an invaluable ally to President Harry Truman in his efforts to persuade Congress to pass the Marshall Plan. Between November 1947 and April 1948 the Stimson Committee arranged pro-Marshall Plan news stories, editorials, advertisements, articles, petitions, radio broadcasts and speakers to stimulate public support for the Marshall Plan. Political scientist Richard Neustadt considered the Stimson Committee "one of the most effective instruments of public information since the Second World War." Former Secretary of State Dean Acheson concluded that the activities of the Stimson Committee "eventually came back to affect the several hundred people in Washington" who voted the Marshall Plan into law. Its members spanned the political spectrum from Hubert Humphrey to Henry Stimson and included groups ranging from the ADA to the DAR suggesting bipartisan support for the Marshall Plan. The Stimson Committee provided President Truman with a civilian auxiliary of first liners---men and women of power, prestige and political weight united in support of the European Recovery Plan. The paper will discuss the lobbying activities of the Stimson Committee and the efforts to alter public opinion in favor of the Marshall Plan.


Name: Stephanie Williams
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Professional Email: stephanielynnwilliams@msn.com
Professional Status: Graduate Student
Institution: University of South Florida
Scheduling Preference: Friday Morning
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Paper Title: In Defense of the Forgotten Man: The Sustained Legacy of the Southern Strategy on the Post-Reagan Era Presidency
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Political science and historians largely attribute the Southern Strategy to the 1964 and 1968 presidential campaigns of Barry Goldwater and Richard Nixon.  Conversely, discussions of Ronald Reagan’s role in the development Southern Strategy describe him more as beneficiary than a significant influence in the Republican Party’s efforts to nationalize Southern racial politics.   However, Reagan emerged in the early 1960s as the rhetorical leader of Movement Conservatism. His rhetoric was instrumental in the efforts to convince White voters in both the Democratic and Republican parties to reject government investment in the social safety net. Reagan’s speeches equated social spending with racial stigmas and pathological behavior and have influenced Presidential rhetoric since he delivered his the 1964“A Time for Choosing” on behalf of the Goldwater campaign.  This presentation will discuss how Reagan’s language of the politics of pathology has shaped the manner in which both Democratic and Republican presidents have argued their policy views related to the social safety net.  The discussion is part of a broader study that seeks to expand the knowledge of the prevalence of the politics of pathology in presidential speeches as a tool to mitigate or cultivate racial resentment and political extremism when discussing policy and spending related to poverty and social inequalities. 


Name: Cyrus Zirakzadeh
Section: Politics & History
Professional Email: capeern@gmail.com
Professional Status: Full Professor
Institution: University of Connecticut
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Paper Title: "Re-Defining History through Peace Commissions: Case of Peru"
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Truth commissions offer states opportunities not only to investigate the past, but to promote an understanding that might bolster a state's stature in the eyes of its residents. An illustration of how this process occurs is the Peruvian government's establishment of an ad hoc truth-and-reconciliation commission at the beginning of the twenty first century. The commission's charge was to document rumors of a large number of violations of human rights during the final decades of the twentieth century and, also, to explain how broader "political, social, and cultural conditions" led to those violations. The commission's report offered a new understanding of the nation's past. But the report did so by erasing discussion of Peruvian's states aggressive economic reforms throughout the twentieth century and by blaming most of the violence on the emotional insecurities and character deficiencies of recently educated Peruvians, who were drawn to ideologies. Historical clarification and obfuscation were inextricably mixed in the report, so as to render the Peruvian state a potential hero for residents, and opponents of the Peruvian state as dangers to social order and personal security.